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| Photo Courtesy:Terri Lim A blacksmith at work in Dhading. |
Whether our politics brings changes or not, migration is fast changing
Nepali society and economy. It has become a key driver of the economy.
Its contribution is equivalent to 22% of the GDP. It is also deeply
changing our social fabric across caste, ethnicity, age and gender
lines. For example, because of the migration of Tharus, landowners in
Dang face labor shortages. Some women in Dhading, who receive remittance
from their husbands, move to Dhading Besi to educate their children in
better schools, leaving their in-laws behind. A glaring shift in
consumption patterns is visible. There are anecdotes of a son asking his
migrant father not to “waste” his money on a ticket home to see him,
and to send an iPhone instead.
But, anecdotes aside, little research exists on how migration has
affected relations and experiences within and among diverse social
groups. Understanding the intricate ways in which migration affects the
society, given the labyrinth of power relations that exists, clarifies
whether migrants from marginalized social groups have different
experiences from the dominant social groups.
A recent research jointly conducted by Columbia University’s School of
International and Public Affairs, Samata Foundation, and Social Science
Baha explores the dynamics of migration for Dalit and non-Dalit
community in Dhading. The research focused on the differentiated
experiences of Dalits and non-Dalits, looking into why they decide to
migrate, where they go, how they gather information, obtain finances,
fulfill the legal and administrative procedures, what they spend their
remittance on, and what challenges they face upon return.The study, based on a sample of 84 qualitative and quantitative
interviews, gives glimpses of the differences in the migration
experiences of Dalits and non-Dalits, and questions the conventional
thoughts on the positive impact of migration on Dalits. Because they are
harder to locate, few women migrant returnees were interviewed.
Therefore, the study is primarily based on interviews with male migrant
returnees.
For many, migration gives a choice, but it’s usually a choice made out
of desperation. This is especially true for the Dalit community who face
additional hardship due to caste-based discriminations to find
employment opportunities or attain education (there are scholarship
schemes for Dalits but many are unaware of it). Limitation of
traditional occupations, particularly in remote areas, is a factor
motivating migration. Dalits are often engaged in agro Balighare system,
a barter system where Dalits’ services are paid for in kind. This
cashless system does not allow the life standards of Dalits to rise
above the subsistence level. It is no surprise, therefore, that many
Dalit youth prefer to abandon the traditional occupations, and the
discrimination that comes with it, to look for opportunities abroad.
While better pay is the primary reason for both Dalits and non-Dalits,
the former are twice as likely to state lack of opportunities as a major
deciding factor. The low economic status is reflected in the choice of
destination as well. As compared to other groups, a greater proportion
of Dalits seek employment in India because it is cheaper to get there,
compared to the Gulf or Malaysia.
Before migration:- Preparations for migration begin with prospective migrants seeking
information on where to go, how to finance, and how to prepare the
necessary documents and fulfill government requirements. For all this,
social network gives access to the right information, low-interest
financing, and completing the requirements with minimal hassle. Besides
social network, the resources available to the migrants and their
education level helps avoid excessive fees, wage cuts once abroad and in
switching contracts.
The research found that Dalits and non-Dalits obtain information on
foreign employment in different ways. Non-Dalits are more likely to
obtain information through direct methods such as local agents,
recruitment agencies based in Kathmandu or advertisements in the media.
Dalits, on the other hand, depend largely on a network of connections
either abroad or in Nepal and a series of middlemen to reach the local
agent or the recruitment agency. Without access to the direct sources of
information, it is natural that Dalits go through more intermediaries
to gather necessary information.
The study found that the more connections the migrant used when securing
a job and preparing necessary documents, the higher the likelihood of
being misinformed and facing problems such as overcharged fees and
switched contracts. Since Dalits use more connections, they reported
paying higher fees in total. In addition to the number of connections
used, economic standing and education level also influences the kind and
source of information the future migrant looks for, as well as the
capacity to discern the quality of information available. ‘Richer’
migrants directly contact the recruitment agency, whether in the
districts or in Kathmandu, and they face fewer problems with paperwork.
In addition, a better educated migrant is able to verify information and
avoid deception.
Social network is also important to finance migration, which can be a
costly affair. The study shows that both Dalits and non-Dalits resorted
to loans to finance their journey abroad, but Dalits tend to go outside
their caste groups in search of funding. Also, more non-Dalits use their
own resources to go abroad (28%) than Dalits (11%). The rest borrow,
but the borrowing patterns are also different for different caste
groups. While most non-Dalits obtained loans from family members, Dalits
go beyond their caste group, possibly because of the limited resources
within their community. Thirty-five percent of Dalits borrowed from
outside family and friends’ circles. For non-Dalits, 23% borrowed from
within their castes. Loan source in turn determines the interest rates
the borrower has to pay the lender. Migrants face higher interest rates
when borrowing from outside the community due to the ‘trust factor’; if
you’re outside the caste, you’re trusted less. Since Dalits borrow from
outside their caste, they face higher interest rates. Dalits paid an
average interest rate of 31% (highest being 48%) while non-Dalits paid
at an average interest rate of 25%.
Upon return
The study shows that migrants reported a moderate improvement in
economic well-being. The consumption patterns reveal some interesting
differences. Both Dalits and non-Dalits spend their remittance first on
‘family needs’ and then to repay loans, and more Dalits than non-Dalits
spend their income on medical needs. The third largest spending is in
education, where non-Dalits spend more than Dalits.
After spending the remittance on immediate needs, migrants have little
to buy land with or start a business. This is truer for Dalits, who
start with minimal resources. That study shows that more non-Dalits use
remittances to buy and build new houses, start or expand businesses and
become moneylenders.
The few Dalits who manage to save prefer to buy land. More Dalits than
non-Dalits were found to be buying land, a trend that other studies have
also indicated. This is perhaps because Dalits, traditionally, are less
likely to own land, and since land is seen as a status symbol. Dalits
buying land is also indicative of the changing dynamics of land
ownership, where non-Dalits are selling land to Dalits. In addition, the
benefits of land ownership extend beyond agriculture. For example, it
helps improve access to finances with land used as collateral.
Some Dalit migrants have reported slight improvements in their
self-perceived social status, which is primarily caused by higher income
due to remittance and the respect garnered in community meetings
because of their experiences abroad. At the same time, others reported
that old relations had not changed completely as many still returned to
the Balighare system that at least allows subsistence.
While the practice of untouchability and discrimination in public was
reported to have decreased, Dalit returnees said that they still faced
discrimination in the private sphere – inside the homes and in
one-to-one relations – and had to readjust to existing social
hierarchies.
In most cases, migration helps Dalits to meet immediate financial needs
and improve their social condition. However, the magnitude of the impact
is still not known and challenges remain to sustain the gains made from
working abroad. Dalits continue to struggle to save enough for
long-term productive investments. Most of their earnings are spent on
paying interest which is higher than that non-Dalits pay. The high rates
traps them in a debt cycle and compel them to migrate again to pay off
the loans, the reason to remigrate more than non-Dalits. Understanding
that the rates are not merely a reflection of supply and demand dynamics
but a result of caste-based discrimination is necessary to effectively
address the problem.
Dalit returnees, who do manage to save to invest, may face caste-based
discrimination that acts as barriers to entry for some businesses. For
example, Dalits have difficulties running restaurants, or working in
some of them. They also have limited access to finances to start new
ventures unlike their non-Dalit counterparts because of the lack of
collateral.
In conclusion, Dalit youth are pressured to migrate due to lack of job
opportunities and economic and social resources to start small
businesses. They migrate to escape traditional occupations and systems
where they are exploited, although many return to work in such systems
in order to secure enough to eat. Migration has helped the Dalit
community to the extent that many are able to meet immediate family
needs, especially the family’s health.
However, the process of migration poses greater challenges for Dalits
than non-Dalits, the former face greater risk of being cheated or
misinformed. This is primarily because of Dalits having a weaker social
network compared to non-Dalits, which plays a key role in defining the
experience of a migrant at home and abroad. It determines the number of
connections that a migrant has to use to secure a job and process
documents, where a migrant can get loans and the rates at which they are
available. Upon return, Dalit migrants continue to face challenges to
productively invest their remittances. The gains of migration, it
appears, are different for Dalits than the others.
The article is based on research conducted by Columbia University’s
School of International and Public Affairs, Samata Foundation, and
Social Science Baha’s Centre for the Study of Labour and Mobility.
Erisha Suwal was part of the research team .source :-myrepublica | | |
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