Foreign labour migration is fast becoming an important livelihood strategy, even as concerns continue to be raised over the vulnerability of migrants. This article, based on recent research conducted in Dhading, will look specifically at the dynamics of migration as a new avenue for the exploitation of Dalits.
On the economic side, most Dalits take loans at higher rates than their non-Dalit counterparts—the average being an interest rate of 30 percent with the highest being 48 percent. So, most of the money sent back as remittance is used to repay loans and for daily subsistence. Only a few Dalit families are able to save and subsequently invest. As most of
the remittance is often invested in “unproductive” sectors, the economic prosperity brought about by foreign labour migration, as usually portrayed in literature, is not always true, especially in the case of Dalits.Dalits are often not able to reach out to banks, and even when they do, they don’t have adequate property to put down as collateral. Hence, instead of loans from financial institutions, the interest on whichwould have been as low as 12 percent per annum, they are forced to opt for loans with interest rates as high as 48 percent from rich non-Dalit money lenders. Because they have to repay the loan at high interest rates, the chances of them getting trapped in a debt cycle and migrating again are much higher.
On the social side, many articles often suggest that foreign labour migration decreases caste-based discrimination. However, Dalits migrants that we interviewed said that they went back to the Balighare system after returning from abroad. Although these individuals professed that the Balighare system is exploitative—because they were paid in food grains for their services, often paid less than what was agreed on or in some cases, not paid at all—they are forced to continue with it as “it is the only certain means of income,” as one of the interviewees said. Because food security is less than six months in most Dalit households, the Balighare system, although exploitative, helps families with food subsistence for a little longer. These facts clearly show that Dalits lack agricultural land, are dependent on non-Dalits and are exploited.
Some young Dalit returnees that we interviewed said that they opted to go abroad to escape not just the Balighare system but all caste-based discrimination. While these young men affirmed that discrimination decreases after migration, especially while at the destination countries, there are two crucial aspects to this. First, most Dalits regard caste-based discrimination as only untouchability. They reported that nearly everyone has become egalitarian and “no one discriminates.”
Nevertheless, almost everyone, including Dalits and non-Dalits, stated that society still does not condone inter-caste marriages and other such interactions. Therefore, while discrimination seems to have decreased, it is only physical discrimination in the form of untouchability, and not discrimination per se. Second, some young non-Dalit interviewees mentioned that although they were egalitarian while at their destination countries, after returning, society at large “expects” them to adjust to existing social hierarchies and discriminate against Dalits. From these examples, we can argue that discrimination is still rampant in the private sphere while in the public sphere, it is gradually changing its forms and becoming invisible. However, this should not be confused with its decrease.
Although foreign labour migration has provided much outside exposure to a fairly closed-off Nepali society and caste-based discrimination is believed to be decreasing as a result, our study discovered that it is simply changing its forms with relation to migration. Dalits are still being exploited by money lenders who trap them in a cycle of debt and poverty with high interest rates. Because of their high illiteracy, recruitment agents and agencies are able to cheat Dalits easily, even when in their destination countries. Non-Dalits still expect Dalits to work for them under a barter system and although Dalits know that they are getting exploited, they do not have the agency or the resources to fight back. As long as the Dalits are not able to capitalise on their migration by using remittances in “productive” sectors—like buying land, using modern tools for agriculture and establishing enterprises—and in their children’s education, discrimination against Dalits will continue to persist in newer, changed forms.
Bishwakarma works at the Samata Foundation and Sharma at the Centre for the Study of Labour and Mobility
source:-ekantipur
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