The Dalit migrant experience - ERISHA SUWAL

Photo Courtesy:Terri Lim  A blacksmith at work in Dhading. Whether our politics brings changes or not, migration is fast changing Nepali society and economy. It has become a key driver of the economy. Its contribution is equivalent to 22% of the GDP. It is also deeply changing our social fabric across caste, ethnicity, age and gender lines. For example, because of the migration of Tharus, landowners in Dang face labor shortages. Some women in Dhading, who receive remittance from their husbands, move to Dhading Besi to educate their children in better schools, leaving their in-laws behind. A glaring shift in consumption patterns is visible. There are anecdotes of a son asking his migrant father not to “waste” his money on a ticket home to see him, and to send an iPhone instead. But, anecdotes aside, little research exists on how migration has affected relations and experiences within and among diverse social groups. Understanding the intricate ways in which migration affects the society, given the labyrinth of power relations that exists, clarifies whether migrants from marginalized social groups have different experiences from the dominant social groups. A recent research jointly conducted by Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs, Samata Foundation, and Social Science Baha explores the dynamics of migration for Dalit and non-Dalit community in Dhading. The research focused on the differentiated experiences of Dalits and non-Dalits, looking into why they decide to migrate, where they go, how they gather information, obtain finances, fulfill the legal and administrative procedures, what they spend their remittance on, and what challenges they face upon return.The study, based on a sample of 84 qualitative and quantitative interviews, gives glimpses of the differences in the migration experiences of Dalits and non-Dalits, and questions the conventional thoughts on the positive impact of migration on Dalits. Because they are harder to locate, few women migrant returnees were interviewed. Therefore, the study is primarily based on interviews with male migrant returnees. For many, migration gives a choice, but it’s usually a choice made out of desperation. This is especially true for the Dalit community who face additional hardship due to caste-based discriminations to find employment opportunities or attain education (there are scholarship schemes for Dalits but many are unaware of it). Limitation of traditional occupations, particularly in remote areas, is a factor motivating migration. Dalits are often engaged in agro Balighare system, a barter system where Dalits’ services are paid for in kind. This cashless system does not allow the life standards of Dalits to rise above the subsistence level. It is no surprise, therefore, that many Dalit youth prefer to abandon the traditional occupations, and the discrimination that comes with it, to look for opportunities abroad. While better pay is the primary reason for both Dalits and non-Dalits, the former are twice as likely to state lack of opportunities as a major deciding factor. The low economic status is reflected in the choice of destination as well. As compared to other groups, a greater proportion of Dalits seek employment in India because it is cheaper to get there, compared to the Gulf or Malaysia. Before migration:- Preparations for migration begin with prospective migrants seeking information on where to go, how to finance, and how to prepare the necessary documents and fulfill government requirements. For all this, social network gives access to the right information, low-interest financing, and completing the requirements with minimal hassle. Besides social network, the resources available to the migrants and their education level helps avoid excessive fees, wage cuts once abroad and in switching contracts. The research found that Dalits and non-Dalits obtain information on foreign employment in different ways. Non-Dalits are more likely to obtain information through direct methods such as local agents, recruitment agencies based in Kathmandu or advertisements in the media. Dalits, on the other hand, depend largely on a network of connections either abroad or in Nepal and a series of middlemen to reach the local agent or the recruitment agency. Without access to the direct sources of information, it is natural that Dalits go through more intermediaries to gather necessary information. The study found that the more connections the migrant used when securing a job and preparing necessary documents, the higher the likelihood of being misinformed and facing problems such as overcharged fees and switched contracts. Since Dalits use more connections, they reported paying higher fees in total. In addition to the number of connections used, economic standing and education level also influences the kind and source of information the future migrant looks for, as well as the capacity to discern the quality of information available. ‘Richer’ migrants directly contact the recruitment agency, whether in the districts or in Kathmandu, and they face fewer problems with paperwork. In addition, a better educated migrant is able to verify information and avoid deception. Social network is also important to finance migration, which can be a costly affair. The study shows that both Dalits and non-Dalits resorted to loans to finance their journey abroad, but Dalits tend to go outside their caste groups in search of funding. Also, more non-Dalits use their own resources to go abroad (28%) than Dalits (11%). The rest borrow, but the borrowing patterns are also different for different caste groups. While most non-Dalits obtained loans from family members, Dalits go beyond their caste group, possibly because of the limited resources within their community. Thirty-five percent of Dalits borrowed from outside family and friends’ circles. For non-Dalits, 23% borrowed from within their castes. Loan source in turn determines the interest rates the borrower has to pay the lender. Migrants face higher interest rates when borrowing from outside the community due to the ‘trust factor’; if you’re outside the caste, you’re trusted less. Since Dalits borrow from outside their caste, they face higher interest rates. Dalits paid an average interest rate of 31% (highest being 48%) while non-Dalits paid at an average interest rate of 25%. Upon return The study shows that migrants reported a moderate improvement in economic well-being. The consumption patterns reveal some interesting differences. Both Dalits and non-Dalits spend their remittance first on ‘family needs’ and then to repay loans, and more Dalits than non-Dalits spend their income on medical needs. The third largest spending is in education, where non-Dalits spend more than Dalits. After spending the remittance on immediate needs, migrants have little to buy land with or start a business. This is truer for Dalits, who start with minimal resources. That study shows that more non-Dalits use remittances to buy and build new houses, start or expand businesses and become moneylenders. The few Dalits who manage to save prefer to buy land. More Dalits than non-Dalits were found to be buying land, a trend that other studies have also indicated. This is perhaps because Dalits, traditionally, are less likely to own land, and since land is seen as a status symbol. Dalits buying land is also indicative of the changing dynamics of land ownership, where non-Dalits are selling land to Dalits. In addition, the benefits of land ownership extend beyond agriculture. For example, it helps improve access to finances with land used as collateral. Some Dalit migrants have reported slight improvements in their self-perceived social status, which is primarily caused by higher income due to remittance and the respect garnered in community meetings because of their experiences abroad. At the same time, others reported that old relations had not changed completely as many still returned to the Balighare system that at least allows subsistence. While the practice of untouchability and discrimination in public was reported to have decreased, Dalit returnees said that they still faced discrimination in the private sphere – inside the homes and in one-to-one relations – and had to readjust to existing social hierarchies. In most cases, migration helps Dalits to meet immediate financial needs and improve their social condition. However, the magnitude of the impact is still not known and challenges remain to sustain the gains made from working abroad. Dalits continue to struggle to save enough for long-term productive investments. Most of their earnings are spent on paying interest which is higher than that non-Dalits pay. The high rates traps them in a debt cycle and compel them to migrate again to pay off the loans, the reason to remigrate more than non-Dalits. Understanding that the rates are not merely a reflection of supply and demand dynamics but a result of caste-based discrimination is necessary to effectively address the problem. Dalit returnees, who do manage to save to invest, may face caste-based discrimination that acts as barriers to entry for some businesses. For example, Dalits have difficulties running restaurants, or working in some of them. They also have limited access to finances to start new ventures unlike their non-Dalit counterparts because of the lack of collateral. In conclusion, Dalit youth are pressured to migrate due to lack of job opportunities and economic and social resources to start small businesses. They migrate to escape traditional occupations and systems where they are exploited, although many return to work in such systems in order to secure enough to eat. Migration has helped the Dalit community to the extent that many are able to meet immediate family needs, especially the family’s health. However, the process of migration poses greater challenges for Dalits than non-Dalits, the former face greater risk of being cheated or misinformed. This is primarily because of Dalits having a weaker social network compared to non-Dalits, which plays a key role in defining the experience of a migrant at home and abroad. It determines the number of connections that a migrant has to use to secure a job and process documents, where a migrant can get loans and the rates at which they are available. Upon return, Dalit migrants continue to face challenges to productively invest their remittances. The gains of migration, it appears, are different for Dalits than the others. The article is based on research conducted by Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs, Samata Foundation, and Social Science Baha’s Centre for the Study of Labour and Mobility. Erisha Suwal was part of the research team .source :-myrepublica