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pic by DAMBAR KRISHNA SHRESTHA |
In his Kantipur column of 20 December Hari Roka, a
pro-Maoist commentator and lawmaker, argued that part of the reason why
India opposed the Maoists promoting a federal state was that it feared
"the establishment of a new social system based on the redistribution of
property and freedom from untouchability would have consequences on its
states close to Nepal".
The statement is, inter alia,
representative of how the Maoists continue to use Dalits in their
propaganda. They have always claimed that theirs is a movement of the
oppressed masses, and indeed many Dalits have sacrificed their lives for
the cause. However, Roka's claim about untouchability rings hollow
because there is little
evidence to show that the ex-rebels actually
care about the deeply entrenched problems of low castes.
On the
contrary, Dalits increasingly feel they have had the rug pulled out from
under them, not least because of the Maoists' unilateral declaration of
autonomous ethnic states. Firstly, Dalits are not going to have their
own autonomous state; they will be a tiny minority in all states. More
importantly, Dalits suffer indignities and injustices not only at the
hands of Bahuns and Chhetris, but also from Rais, Limbus, Madhesis,
Gurungs, Magars, Newars, and others.
A 2006 report in
Nepali Times
stated: "In the hotbed of Tarai ethnic politics, mainstream Madhesi
rights activists, anti-hills-people vigilantes, Maoist splinter groups
and Tharu groups are demanding everything from greater autonomy to
secession. But Madhesi Dalits are nowhere in the equation" ('
Sideswiped',
#320). The parties' attitude to Dalits in the Tarai and the hills
remains the same, despite the pressure of massive political changes.
Hugo
Gorringe, a British anthropologist who studied Indian Dalits, observes:
"untouchability, it is clear, is irreconcilable with nationhood, and
undermines the democratic project". The Nepali Congress and UML, despite
their democratic credentials, have always refrained from taking Dalit
issues seriously; their own workers and supporters regularly practice
untouchability. The former rebels' initial enthusiasm about doing away
with caste-based subordination has also been ephemeral. For instance,
the Maoist government didn't, despite the popular expectation, start
anything concrete to help Dalits; neither did it attempt to include them
in important positions. Although they have been insisting on federal
states named after particular groups, they have not yet articulated
their policies on how untouchability can be effectively tackled.
Whilst
Dalits are still struggling to become bona fide citizens of Nepal, they
will have to fight separately to become the citizens of autonomous
states as well. Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar's prescription for the Dalit
movement was: "educate, agitate, organise". The implementation of
autonomous ethnic states is likely to hinder these strategies, not least
because the Dalit movement will then be dispersed and consequently
further weakened.
Some believe that untouchability cannot be
tackled until caste is annihilated; others think it can be challenged by
emphasising the socioeconomic relationship between castes on the basis
of modern national laws over customary ones. We should attempt to
integrate low castes with other castes or ethnic groups to pave the way
for a more egalitarian society. Ethnic federalism will only
institutionalise and solidify caste or ethnic boundaries, instead of
undermining them.
The Maoists are likely to lose the support of
many Dalits and others by pushing for their retrograde demand for ethnic
federalism, even if it helps them in the short term. Like most Nepali
citizens, Dalits want to live in peace with more dignity and better
economic opportunities. This simple dream cannot be fulfilled if the
powers that be don't give up their stance on ethnic federalism under the
facade of revolutionary change.
source : nepalitimes
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